A Type-Theoretic Account of Neg-Raising Predicates in Tree Adjoining Grammars
Abstract
Neg-Raising (NR) verbs form a class of verbs with a clausal complement that show the following behavior: when a negation syntactically attaches to the matrix predicate, it can semantically attach to the embedded predicate. This paper presents an account of NR predicates within Tree Adjoining Grammar (TAG). We propose a lexical semantic interpretation that heavily relies on a Montague-like semantics for TAG and on higher-order types.
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